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Caring for an aging parent is straining our marriage. What do we do?

Caring for a parent wears on the caregiver and, over time, on the marriage, and research suggests the imbalance between partners matters more than the number of hours. Make the work visible, agree on what each of you does and what you will not do, and protect one block of time a week that has nothing to do with the parent. The partner whose parent it is should lead decisions and sibling talks; the other partner needs to be asked, not assumed.

By EQTiger EditorialUpdated

Look at your side of the pattern.

EQTiger Editorial · Sources checked 2026-10-26 · Expert review pending

The Sunday visit that became every day

It started with Sunday lunch at Priya's father's apartment. Then it was Wednesday too, because the pharmacy had changed his pills and he kept mixing them up. By March, Priya was there most evenings, her husband Tom was eating dinner alone with their two kids, and the fight they kept having was not about her father at all. It was about the dishwasher, the soccer carpool, and who had last asked the other how their day went.

If that sounds familiar, you are in very large company. A national survey of 6,858 US caregivers estimated that 63 million Americans, nearly one adult in four, gave ongoing care to someone in the past year, according to the AARP press release announcing the report (AARP and National Alliance for Caregiving, 2025). Nearly one caregiver in three was also raising children under 18, about one in four was giving 40 or more hours of care a week, and a third had been doing it for five years or longer. Caring for a parent is rarely a short project, which is why the couple around it needs a plan that can last.

What caregiving does to the person doing it

The strain is measurable. A meta-analysis of 84 studies compared people caring for a frail older adult with people who were not caregivers (Pinquart and Sörensen, 2003). Caregivers reported noticeably more depression (g = .58) and stress (g = .55), lower confidence in handling their lives (g = .54) and lower overall well-being (g = -.40). Differences in physical health were real but small (g = .18). The gaps were larger for people caring for someone with dementia. These studies compare groups at a point in time, so some of the difference may come from who ends up caregiving, but the direction is consistent.

For the partner at home, this means the person you married may be shorter-tempered, more tired and less available than usual for reasons that have little to do with you. It does not mean you have to absorb all of it, but it helps to read the irritability correctly.

What it does to the marriage

The longer the caregiving lasts, the more it shows up at home. In a national US sample of 716 adult sons and daughters followed over time, people who had been caring for a parent for a while reported less marital happiness, a stronger sense that roles in the marriage were unequal, and more hostility than people who had only recently started (Bookwala, 2009). Daughters who cared for parents also showed rising depressive symptoms over time, while sons showed the opposite trend. The study cannot prove that caregiving caused the change, but the "wear and tear" pattern for women fits what many caregiving couples describe.

The state of the marriage beforehand matters too. Among 1,842 married adults followed nationally, people who began caring for a parent and who already reported a lot of disagreement with their spouse saw bigger drops in happiness and bigger rises in depressive symptoms than caregivers in calmer marriages (Choi and Marks, 2006). A steady marriage seems to cushion the blow; a strained one seems to amplify it.

Balance matters more than hours

Here is the finding couples tend to find most useful. In 197 middle-aged couples, how much total support they gave to their parents was not linked to marital satisfaction, but imbalance was: husbands who gave more support to their parents than their wives did reported lower satisfaction, and the same held for wives who gave more than their husbands (Lee and colleagues, 2012). A follow-up with 164 married adults looked at support for parents-in-law specifically and found that the more spouses differed in how much they helped each other's parents, the lower their marital satisfaction, which the authors read as a sign that a perceived balance matters (Lee and colleagues, 2020). Both are modest, correlational samples. The shared message is still clear: couples seem to cope better with a heavy load they both see as fair than with a lighter one that feels lopsided or unacknowledged.

So the goal is not to do less for the parent at any cost. It is to make the arrangement one you both understand and both agreed to.

Who does what

A sensible default, offered as practical advice rather than a tested rule: the adult child leads on decisions and family, and the in-law partner is asked for specific help rather than drafted.

TaskUsually led byWhy
Medical decisions, talking with doctorsThe adult childThe parent and siblings expect it, and it is their call to make
Talking with siblings about who does whatThe adult childSibling history is theirs; a spouse in that role becomes the villain
Intimate personal care (bathing, toileting)Whoever the parent accepts, often the adult childSome parents find it harder to accept from a son- or daughter-in-law
Logistics: rides, prescriptions, forms, billsEither, by agreementEasy to split, easy to see
Money from the household budgetBoth, decided togetherIt is shared money and a shared future
Keeping the home running while the other is outThe partner who is home, with a stated limitThis is real caregiving too, and it needs to be counted

In a study of 252 daughters and daughters-in-law caring for a parent who lived with them, and their husbands, the experience of caregiving was strikingly similar for in-laws and biological children; what shaped it most was the quality of the relationship with the older person (Peters-Davis and colleagues, 1999). So a daughter-in-law who gets on well with her father-in-law may be the natural person for some tasks. The point of the table is that you decide, rather than drifting into whatever happened first.

A twenty-minute weekly meeting

Caregiving creates a flood of small decisions. Without a set time for them, they get made in the car, at 11 p.m., or by text in the middle of a workday, and each one feels like an ambush.

  1. Same day, same time, twenty minutes. Sunday evening after the kids are in bed works for many couples.
  2. Five minutes on the coming week: appointments, who drives, which evenings the caregiver is out.
  3. Five minutes on money: anything spent, anything coming up, anything a sibling owes.
  4. Five minutes on how each of you is actually doing. One sentence each, not a performance review.
  5. Five minutes on one thing for the two of you that week that has nothing to do with the parent. Book it before you stand up.

If the meeting keeps turning into a fight, the weekly relationship check-in has a structure for keeping it short and fair.

What to say to each other

If you are the adult child doing the caregiving:

I know I've been gone four nights a week. I don't want you to just cope with it. What's the part that's hardest on your end?
I need you to take Thursday pickups for the next two months. I'll stop going over on Saturdays so we have one full day.
I'm not asking you to love my dad the way I do. I'm asking you to help me with the parts I can't do alone.

If you are the partner at home:

I'm glad you're there for your mom. I'm also running the house by myself most nights, and I'm getting worn down. Can we look at the week together on Sunday?
I can do the pharmacy and the bills. I can't do bathing. I want to be honest about that now rather than resent it later.
When did you last do something that wasn't for your dad or the kids? I'll cover Saturday morning. Go.

The third line is support without a lecture. The page on supporting a stressed partner has more wording for the nights when your partner comes home empty.

The fights underneath the fights

Some caregiving arguments are not really about the parent.

  • "Your family, my sacrifice." If one partner is caring for their parent while the other's parents get little attention, that imbalance is exactly what the research above links to lower satisfaction. Name it before it becomes a scoreboard; the page on keeping score in a relationship covers how tallies form.
  • Siblings who do nothing. If your partner is angry at you, check whether they are really angry at a brother who sends money once a year and advice weekly. The page on conflict with adult siblings has a plan for that conversation, and parental favoritism between adult siblings explains why caregiving so often stirs up old rivalries.
  • Invisible work. Calls to the insurer and remembering refill dates rarely get counted. Asking for help with the mental load has lines for making that work visible.

When the parent may move in

Moving a parent into your home changes everything above: privacy, money, the kids' routines, and how often the two of you are ever alone. Decide it together and in advance, ideally before a hospital discharge forces the choice in a weekend. The guide to living with in-laws or a parent covers house rules, money and a first-week agreement.

When to bring in more help

Consider outside help when the caregiver has stopped sleeping well, has dropped their own friends or health appointments, or when the two of you can no longer talk about the parent without one of you leaving the room. Practical options include respite care, adult day programs and a local aging services agency that can assess what the parent needs. A licensed couples therapist can help if caregiving has turned into a standing fight about loyalty and fairness, and an individual therapist can help a caregiver who feels low most days. Asking for that help is part of caregiving, not a failure at it.

Research notes

  1. AARP and National Alliance for Caregiving, 2025 (press release): An estimated 63 million Americans, nearly one adult in four, gave ongoing care in the past year; nearly one in three caregivers was also raising children under 18, nearly one in four gave 40 or more hours a week, and one third had been caregiving for five years or more.

    New report reveals crisis point for America's 63 million family caregivers (Caregiving in the US 2025). AARP. Sample: 6,858 US caregivers aged 18 and older from a nationally representative, probability-based online panel (Ipsos). Limits: Survey self-reports; the release does not break out how many were caring for parents specifically. www.aarp.org/press/releases/2025-07-24-new-report-reveals-crisis-point-for-americas-63-million-family-caregivers.html

  2. Pinquart and Sörensen, 2003: Caregivers of frail older adults reported more depression (g = .58) and stress (g = .55), lower self-efficacy and lower well-being than noncaregivers, with a small gap in physical health (g = .18) and larger gaps for dementia caregivers.

    Differences between caregivers and noncaregivers in psychological health and physical health: A meta-analysis. Psychology and Aging, 18(2), 250–267. Sample: Meta-analysis of 84 articles comparing caregivers and noncaregivers. Limits: Mostly cross-sectional comparisons, so selection into caregiving may explain part of the gaps. doi:10.1037/0882-7974.18.2.250

  3. Bookwala, 2009: Adult children who had been caring for a parent longer reported less marital happiness, more marital role inequity and more hostility than recent caregivers, and caregiving daughters showed rising depressive symptoms over time while sons showed declines.

    The impact of parent care on marital quality and well-being in adult daughters and sons. The Journals of Gerontology Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences, 64B(3), 339–347. Sample: 716 adult daughters and sons from a probability-based US sample followed over time. Limits: Observational; caregivers were not randomly assigned, so causation is not established. doi:10.1093/geronb/gbp018

  4. Choi and Marks, 2006: Married adults who became caregivers for a parent or spouse showed bigger drops in happiness and bigger rises in depressive symptoms when they had reported more marital disagreement before the transition.

    Transition to caregiving, marital disagreement, and psychological well-being. Journal of Family Issues, 27(12), 1701–1722. Sample: 1,842 married US adults aged 35 and older in a national longitudinal sample. Limits: Observational; marital disagreement measured by self-report. doi:10.1177/0192513X06291523

  5. Lee and colleagues, 2012: The total amount of support middle-aged couples gave to or received from their parents was not linked to marital satisfaction, but discrepancies were: a spouse who gave more support to their parents than the other spouse did reported lower satisfaction.

    Middle-aged couples' exchanges of support with aging parents: Patterns and association with marital satisfaction. Gerontology, 58(1), 88–96. Sample: 197 middle-aged US couples reporting on support exchanged with 440 parents. Limits: Cross-sectional and correlational; modest sample. doi:10.1159/000324512

  6. Lee and colleagues, 2020: Married midlife adults' support for parents-in-law leaned toward the wife's parents, and greater dissimilarity between spouses in support for parents-in-law went with lower marital satisfaction.

    Middle-aged children's support for parents-in-law and marital satisfaction. Gerontology, 66(4), 340–350. Sample: 164 married US adults (mean age about 54) from the Family Exchanges Study with at least one living parent-in-law. Limits: Cross-sectional and correlational; modest sample. doi:10.1159/000505589

  7. Peters-Davis and colleagues, 1999: Caregiving experiences were very similar for biological children and children-in-law in families caring for a coresident elder, and the quality of the relationship with the elder mattered more than the kin tie.

    Children-in-law in caregiving families. The Gerontologist, 39(1), 66–75. Sample: 252 coresident caregiving daughters and daughters-in-law and their husbands. Limits: Older study of coresident caregiving households; cross-sectional. doi:10.1093/geront/39.1.66

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